Turkish leader’s sultan-like love for megaprojects to be tested (News)

There are signs that the public is weary of Erdogan’s building mania. The canal is the latest dividing line between those who see Erdogan’s projects as visionary, and those who say the works are guided by an insatiable construction industry that has enriched his ruling circle, raising questions about his management of a faltering economy.

Erdogan called the election a year and a half ahead of schedule, hoping to beat the economic downturn nipping at his heels. A once-fractured opposition has united against him, making it increasingly uncertain whether he will meet the 50 per cent threshold to win outright and avoid a runoff against his top challenger.

Erdogan counts his building feats at virtually every election rally and warns that his opponents plan to tear down everything his Justice and Development Party, or AKP, has built. The party “built 284,000 classrooms,” he declared recently in the town of Mugla, adding “Are you going to demolish them too?”

He lists his big canal project in first place on his campaign posters. Not one shovel has been put in the ground, but Erdogan has vowed to begin construction immediately if he is re-elected as president and assumes sweeping new powers.

All of his megaprojects have been about creating symbols of his strength as he aims for a place in the pantheon of great Turkish leaders, from the Ottoman sultans to the founder of the republic, Mustafa Kemal Ataturk.

But the 45-kilometre canal linking the Black Sea to the Sea of Marmara – estimated to cost $US15 billion ($20 billion), though critics say the figure is closer to $US65 billion, and displace some 800,000 people – has been dubbed his “crazy idea” since Erdogan conceived it seven years ago.

“It means crazy, wow, in a good sense,” said Mehmet Akarca, head of Turkey’s general directorate for press and information and an adviser to the President. “It will make money, and ships will use it, and they will pay tolls to use it.”

That is the hope, at least, though many doubt whether it will ever happen — or whether it will work if it does.

Environmentalists warn that the canal would damage the ecosystem so much that Istanbul could become uninhabitable. Archaeologists caution that it would threaten a top-class Paleolithic site. Economists say the project is not financially viable.

“It’s like playing Moses,” said Serkan Taycan, an artist and opponent of the canal who has mapped the area that would be disturbed.

Ozgur Unluhisarcikli, the Ankara director for the German Marshall Fund of the United States, a research organisation, credits Erdogan for building infrastructure that has helped Turkey’s rapid urbanisation by linking cities to one another and to their suburbs. The construction sector has also provided millions of jobs to a largely uneducated workforce.

“One aspect of the big projects is that they are generating growth,” Unluhisarcikli said.

But Erdogan’s opponents say his economic model is dubious, even corrupt.

Abdullatif Sener, a former deputy prime minister, has alleged that Erdogan’s way of governing is all about the profit that the President and his close circle can gain in kickbacks.

Sener was a co-founder of the Justice and Development Party, as was Erdogan, but he resigned from the party in 2008 because of corruption, he says, and is running for Parliament with the opposition Republican People’s Party.

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“They don’t think about the concerns of the citizens,” Sener said of the government at a campaign rally in Aziziye, in central Turkey. “They think about ‘How can I make my friend, my family, my close circle, my buddy richer.’ With this mentality, this country could not escape disaster.”

Erdogan has accused his opponents of peddling lies. “We invested billions in Istanbul, and now they say we robbed the country?” he said last week at a rally in Istanbul.

Others criticise Erdogan for prioritising construction over industry and trade, which would generate more income.

“We are not using the resources in the best way to earn money,” Durmus Yilmaz, a former chief of the Turkish central bank and a co-founder of a new opposition party, the Good Party, said.

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“This is all financed through foreign borrowing,” he said. “Are these investments generating enough income so we can pay back the loans?”

Turkish industry has shrunk since 2002, when Erdogan first came to power – to 16 per cent of gross domestic product from 22 per cent – and the construction sector has grown in its place.

The decline has left new ports and tunnels under utilised and Turkey lacking enough exports to finance its ballooning foreign debt, Yilmaz said.

Then there are the extravagant projects – such as the presidential palace, four times the size of Versailles – that seem to be more about Erdogan’s legacy than profitability.

On Istanbul’s highest hill above the Bosporus, Erdogan is building the white marble Camlica mosque, appointing it with six minarets, the insignia of greatness.

Many wonder if he plans to build a mausoleum for himself beside his project, as did the sultans of old.

“Some are white elephants, that’s very clear,” said Refet Gurkaynak, a professor of economics at Bilkent University in Ankara.

The government has said that growth has been more than 7 per cent in the last two quarters, but the economy is already stumbling, Gurkaynak said.

“We are in recession,” he said, and “we are going to have a painful recession.”

Housing construction has reached its limit, and 2 million apartments are unsold in the country. Construction work is grinding to a halt, and companies are offering real estate on soft loans or barter.

In such a climate, Gurkaynak said, “Canal Istanbul makes no sense whatsoever and will be impossible to finance.”

It does not help that the proposed canal route would run parallel to the Bosporus, where transit is free under the 1936 Montreux Convention.

Officials insist there will be enough traffic to make the canal profitable. But Gurkaynak and others argue that shippers would be unlikely to pay when there is a free passage a few miles away.

Other resistance to Erdogan’s building spree is centered on the environment and conservation.

To the horror of archaeologists, Erdogan started the $US4 billion Marmaray railway project beneath Istanbul’s historic peninsula, and built a highway along the Byzantine city walls of a World Heritage site, over UNESCO protests.

Residents have pushed back against projects that have favoured construction magnates, most prominently at the central Taksim Square, where huge protests exploded in May 2013 to save the park from commercial developers.

The protests, which left eight people dead and hundreds more injured, drew many citizens to oppose Erdogan’s headlong drive to modernise Turkey’s cities.

Yet instead of listening to them, Erdogan doubled down on his projects. Taksim became a symbol of his determination to impose his will.

“He needed opponents and victories and symbols,” said Mucella Yapici, an activist and a member of Istanbul’s Chamber of Architects. “Taksim is the most important.”

Last month, Istanbul’s cultural centre, an emblem of Ataturk’s openness to the West, was pulled down at the site, and a vast domed mosque raised opposite it, dwarfing Ataturk’s statue and robbing the square of its republican nature.

“This is an attempt to erase the collective memory of the space,” Yapici said.

New York Times